LSAT Quiz: Explain Resolve
20 questions · exam conditions
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Explain ResolveQuestion 1 of 20

Last fall, a city library extended weekday hours and eliminated late fees to encourage borrowing. Yet in the six months that followed, the library recorded 14 percent fewer checkouts than in the same period the previous year. During this time, membership numbers stayed constant, no branches closed, and staffing and acquisitions both increased. Public outreach events also drew steady attendance. Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve this apparent paradox?

Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?

The library's checkout statistics do not include loans of e-books and audiobooks made through a new digital portal launched during the same period.
Most of the newly added operating hours were late-night slots that only a small fraction of the library's regular patrons ever used to borrow materials.
During the same six-month period the library doubled the number of popular new-release titles it kept available on shelves for patrons to borrow.
Several of the library's busier branches installed additional self-checkout kiosks specifically to speed up the lines that had formed at circulation desks.
The library began prominently promoting its newly launched digital reading app on the homepage of its website and across its social media accounts.
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LSAT Quiz

LSAT Quiz: Explain Resolve

Practice Explain Resolve in LSAT with focused quiz questions that help you check what you know, review explanations, and build confidence with test-style prompts.

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This quiz focuses on Explain Resolve, giving you a quick way to practice the rules, question types, and explanations that matter most for LSAT.

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Try each quiz question before looking at the correct answer. Use the explanations to review missed ideas, then come back to similar questions until the pattern feels familiar.

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Question 1

Last fall, a city library extended weekday hours and eliminated late fees to encourage borrowing. Yet in the six months that followed, the library recorded 14 percent fewer checkouts than in the same period the previous year. During this time, membership numbers stayed constant, no branches closed, and staffing and acquisitions both increased. Public outreach events also drew steady attendance. Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve this apparent paradox?

Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?

  1. The library's checkout statistics do not include loans of e-books and audiobooks made through a new digital portal launched during the same period. (correct answer)
  2. Most of the newly added operating hours were late-night slots that only a small fraction of the library's regular patrons ever used to borrow materials.
  3. During the same six-month period the library doubled the number of popular new-release titles it kept available on shelves for patrons to borrow.
  4. Several of the library's busier branches installed additional self-checkout kiosks specifically to speed up the lines that had formed at circulation desks.
  5. The library began prominently promoting its newly launched digital reading app on the homepage of its website and across its social media accounts.

Explanation: The puzzle is that borrowing should have risen after longer hours and no late fees, yet recorded checkouts fell by 14 percent. The answer about e-books and audiobooks resolves this: if loans made through the new digital portal are not counted in the checkout tally, real borrowing could have shifted from physical to digital while the recorded number dropped—no true decline needed. The option about late-night hours only shows that some added access went unused; it does not explain why checkouts fell below the previous year's baseline. Doubling new-release titles would, if anything, raise checkouts, deepening the paradox rather than resolving it. Adding self-checkout kiosks speeds up existing lines but does nothing to explain fewer loans overall. Promoting the digital reading app suggests patrons may be borrowing digitally, but without knowing that those digital loans are excluded from the tally, it cannot account for the drop in recorded checkouts—that missing exclusion is exactly what the correct answer supplies.

Question 2

Meadow City replaced all of its sodium-vapor streetlights with LED fixtures touted to last years longer and require far less attention. Surprisingly, after the switch, maintenance crews logged more callouts for dark streets than in the prior year with the old lamps. The LEDs were installed on schedule by a reputable contractor, and the bulbs themselves rarely burned out during the first year. What, if true, would most help explain why reported lighting failures nevertheless increased?

Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?

  1. The LEDs reduced the city's overall electricity consumption by roughly a third compared with the older sodium-vapor lamps.
  2. Residents in many neighborhoods praised the brighter, whiter illumination as safer-feeling and more pleasant than the previous glow.
  3. The new fixtures emitted a noticeably cooler color temperature that some drivers found harsher than the warm sodium light.
  4. The LED drivers and control modules failed at high rates in the first year, leaving many lights unpowered despite intact bulbs. (correct answer)
  5. Several nearby towns kept their old sodium-vapor lamps and reported no comparable change in their own outage callout totals.

Explanation: The puzzle is that dark-street callouts rose even though the bulbs themselves rarely burned out. The winning choice supplies the missing failure mode: if the drivers and control modules that power the LEDs failed frequently, streets would go dark without any bulb burning out, so more outages and long-lasting bulbs fit together neatly. The claim about cutting electricity by a third addresses efficiency, not why lights went dark—it gives no reason for increased outages. The report that residents praised the brighter, whiter light describes satisfaction, which would predict fewer complaints, not more callouts. The point that the cooler color temperature felt harsher to some drivers is a comfort or preference issue, not a cause of dark streets. The fact that nearby towns kept sodium lamps and saw no change is a contrast that leaves Meadow City's rise unexplained. Only the driver-and-module failures explain darkness despite intact bulbs, so that is the single best answer.

Question 3

A fitness center replaced most of its treadmills with newer models advertised as more reliable. In the months after the replacement, the center logged fewer treadmill repair incidents. Yet member complaints about treadmill availability increased, and the center's records show that the total number of hours treadmills were in use each week declined. These facts appear to conflict, since fewer repairs would ordinarily increase availability, and lower use would ordinarily reduce complaints.

Which one of the following, if true, most helps to explain the situation described above?​

  1. The new treadmills have more advanced electronic features that many longtime members found confusing to operate during the first several weeks after installation.
  2. The center reduced the total number of treadmills when it installed the new models, even though the remaining treadmills broke down less often. (correct answer)
  3. The center also purchased several new stationary bicycles during the same period, and those machines quickly became more popular than the treadmills with regular members.
  4. Some members submitted written complaints about the volume and genre of the background music that staff played throughout the cardio and free-weight areas.
  5. The center's outside repair contractor raised its hourly service rates for the older treadmill models shortly before the newer replacement units were installed.

Explanation: The puzzle has three parts to reconcile: fewer repairs, more availability complaints, and fewer total usage hours—despite supposedly more reliable machines. The winning answer explains all three at once: the center installed fewer treadmills overall. Each remaining machine is more reliable (fewer repairs), but with fewer machines available, members wait more (more complaints) and the total capacity for use drops (fewer usage hours). One quantity change ties everything together. The answer about advanced features that confused members might explain a few complaints, but confusion wouldn't reduce total usage hours—curious members would still log time—so it leaves two facts unresolved. The answer about new stationary bicycles drawing members away could explain lower treadmill usage, but if bikes were the draw, availability complaints should fall, not rise; it contradicts one of the facts. The answer about complaints regarding music is off-topic: it addresses a different grievance entirely and says nothing about repairs, availability, or usage. The answer about the contractor raising rates concerns cost, not availability or usage; higher rates on old models don't explain why members wait longer or use the machines less. Only the reduction in the number of treadmills resolves the full paradox.

Question 4

A city's recycling program reports that the total tonnage of recyclable materials collected increased this quarter. Yet the recycling facility reports that the percentage of collected material that could actually be processed into new products decreased. The city did not change the list of accepted items, and collection schedules remained the same. Public outreach efforts encouraging recycling increased, and participation rates rose in several neighborhoods. These facts appear difficult to reconcile.

Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy described above?

  1. Many new participants placed nonrecyclable items into recycling bins, increasing contamination and lowering the usable percentage even as total tonnage rose. (correct answer)
  2. The recycling facility purchased new sorting equipment during the quarter that improved its ability to separate different grades of processable plastic and paper.
  3. Several neighborhoods with high participation requested additional recycling bins from the city to accommodate the larger volume of material they were setting out.
  4. The city also expanded a separate composting program for food waste, diverting some organic material that residents had previously placed in the trash.
  5. The city's landfill fees increased during the quarter, making it more expensive to dispose of the residual waste left over after processing was complete.

Explanation: The puzzle: total recyclable tonnage rose, yet the share of collected material that can actually be processed fell. To resolve it, you need something that explains both facts at once. The answer about new participants adding nonrecyclable items does exactly this—outreach drew in more people, so total tonnage climbed, but those newcomers contaminated the stream, so the processable percentage dropped. Both numbers move for the same reason. The new sorting equipment goes the wrong way: better separation should raise, not lower, the usable percentage, deepening the discrepancy instead of resolving it. The request for additional bins explains why more material arrived, but says nothing about why a smaller share of it was processable, so it addresses only half the puzzle. The expanded composting program diverts food waste away from the trash, which neither explains the tonnage rise in recycling nor accounts for lower processability. The higher landfill fees concern the cost of disposing residual waste, an economic detail that leaves both the tonnage increase and the drop in usable percentage unexplained. Only contamination from untrained new participants links the two trends together.

Question 5

After subsidizing rooftop solar panels, a small island's utility saw midday electricity demand from the grid fall sharply. Nevertheless, the utility's total consumption of diesel fuel for power generation increased over the next year. No new industrial customers came online, and household electricity use stayed flat overall. Officials are puzzled that less daytime demand coincided with greater fossil fuel use in a system otherwise largely unchanged.

Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?

  1. Many households upgraded to more efficient refrigerators and air conditioners that year, noticeably trimming the average appliance load the grid had to serve during peak daytime hours.
  2. The utility's diesel generators operate much less efficiently when frequently ramped up and down to balance variable midday solar production, increasing total fuel use despite lower average load. (correct answer)
  3. Some homeowners fell behind on their electricity bills that year, forcing the utility to write off a modest share of the revenue it normally collected from residential accounts.
  4. A new undersea transmission cable linking the island to a mainland grid was formally proposed and studied during the period, though funding fell through and construction never began.
  5. The island reliably receives far fewer overnight tourists in the winter months than in the busy summer season, a seasonal swing that shapes hotel occupancy across the year.

Explanation: The puzzle is why diesel use rose even as midday grid demand fell. The answer about generators running inefficiently when ramped up and down resolves it directly: solar makes daytime output swing, and diesel engines burn more fuel per unit of power when constantly cycled, so total fuel can climb even as average load drops. The refrigerator-and-air-conditioner upgrade would lower fuel use, not raise it, so it deepens the paradox rather than resolving it. Homeowners falling behind on bills affects revenue collected, not the amount of electricity generated or fuel burned. A proposed undersea cable that was never built changes nothing physical about generation during the year. Seasonal swings in overnight tourists cannot explain the increase, since household use stayed flat and no net demand growth occurred. Only the generator-cycling explanation reconciles lower daytime demand with higher fuel consumption.

Question 6

A neighborhood cafe announced that after 2 p.m. it would serve only decaffeinated coffee. Because prior surveys showed most afternoon patrons prefer caffeinated drinks, the owner anticipated a drop in satisfaction. Nevertheless, average satisfaction scores for the afternoon time block rose over the next month. Menu prices, seating capacity, and music volume remained the same, and nearby cafes did not change policies. How could afternoon satisfaction increase despite the decaf-only policy?

Which of the following, if true, most helps to explain the increase in afternoon satisfaction?

  1. The cafe introduced two new caffeinated espresso options that were available only during the busy morning rush, before noon each day.
  2. The cafe repainted its interior walls in the same neutral color scheme it had used before, keeping the overall look unchanged for patrons.
  3. The afternoon pastry selection was reduced from ten different items to eight, dropping two options that fewer customers had ordered previously.
  4. Several baristas received professional training in advanced latte art techniques for decorating the foam on the drinks they prepared.
  5. Because orders became simpler after 2 p.m., service speed improved markedly, and many afternoon customers primarily valued quick, calm meetings over caffeine. (correct answer)

Explanation: The key works because it directly resolves the paradox: if afternoon patrons cared most about fast, calm service rather than caffeine, then simpler decaf orders speeding up service would raise their satisfaction even though they generally prefer caffeine. That connects a consequence of the decaf policy to what these customers actually value. Introducing new caffeinated espresso options only before noon changes the morning, not the afternoon time block in question, so it cannot explain the afternoon rise. Repainting the interior in the same color scheme leaves the experience unchanged, so it gives no reason satisfaction would climb. Reducing the pastry selection from ten items to eight removes choices customers had; if anything that should lower satisfaction, not raise it. Training baristas in latte art decorates drinks but does nothing to offset the loss of caffeine that the survey said patrons preferred, so it fails to address the paradox. Only the account tying simpler orders to faster service and customers who prize speed and calm explains why satisfaction rose despite the policy.

Question 7

In a trial of an alertness program, participants who reported sleeping under six hours the night before posted faster scores on a computerized reaction-time task than those who slept seven to eight hours. Yet those short-sleep participants simultaneously reported higher levels of sleepiness on a standardized scale that morning. None of the participants had diagnosed sleep disorders, and testing occurred at the same time of day for everyone. Researchers are unsure how people could feel sleepier but respond faster.

Which of the following, if true, most helps resolve the paradox?

  1. The reaction-time test had a built-in upper limit that capped how fast any participant's recorded response could register on the computer.
  2. Participants who slept under six hours were permitted to consume caffeinated beverages before testing, while those who slept longer were asked to abstain. (correct answer)
  3. The standardized sleepiness questionnaire was administered to every participant several minutes before they began the computerized reaction-time task itself.
  4. The study excluded from participation anyone who reported having taken a daytime nap at any point during the previous day.
  5. Some participants may have misestimated their total hours of sleep by as much as thirty minutes in either direction.

Explanation: The puzzle is why the short-sleep group performed faster despite feeling sleepier. Caffeine offers exactly that reconciliation: it can sharpen reaction time while leaving subjective sleepiness untouched, so the very group that felt drowsier could still respond quicker because only they consumed it. That is the choice about caffeinated beverages being allowed for one group and withheld from the other. The test's built-in upper limit would cap fast responses across everyone equally, so it cannot explain why one group outperformed the other. The order in which the sleepiness questionnaire was given applied identically to all participants, so it predicts no difference in reaction times. Excluding daytime nappers likewise affected both groups the same way and gives no reason for the short-sleep group to be faster. A thirty-minute misestimate of sleep is small and random in either direction, so it would not systematically make the short-sleep group respond faster. Only the caffeine difference tracks the specific gap the paradox asks about.

Question 8

A software company raised base salaries by 15 percent across its engineering department to improve retention. Subsequent surveys show engineers are more satisfied with their pay than before the increase. Yet in the six months following the raise, voluntary departures among the company's highest-rated engineers rose significantly. There were no layoffs, and workload and project mix remained constant. Management is puzzled that better pay satisfaction coincided with more top performers choosing to leave.

Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?

  1. Human resources overhauled the resignation process, adding an online exit portal that recorded voluntary departures faster and more consistently than the old paper-based system.
  2. The company sharply increased its hiring of junior engineers over the same period, lowering the average tenure across the department and shifting its overall experience profile.
  3. News of the raise spread widely in industry forums, prompting competitors to target the firm's top engineers with personalized recruitment and signing bonuses that exceeded the new salaries. (correct answer)
  4. The company renovated its cafeteria and expanded its on-site fitness facilities during the same quarter as the raise, drawing praise from engineers in later internal feedback surveys.
  5. Engineers were granted an extra paid personal day each quarter after the raise, a benefit that survey respondents singled out as a meaningful improvement to their work-life balance.

Explanation: The puzzle is that pay satisfaction rose while the best engineers left more often. The winning answer explains both at once: the publicized raise flagged the firm as a source of strong talent, so competitors offered top performers even larger packages. Satisfied engineers could still leave for a better outside deal, and the effect selectively hits the highest-rated people. The resignation-portal option only changes how departures are recorded, not why more top performers actually chose to leave. Increased junior hiring lowers average tenure but says nothing about why elite engineers depart; new hires arriving does not explain existing stars exiting. The cafeteria and fitness upgrades and the extra quarterly personal day are perks that would boost satisfaction and, if anything, encourage staying — neither accounts for a rise in voluntary exits among top performers despite happier pay. Only the competitor-poaching answer makes higher satisfaction and higher top-performer turnover fit together.

Question 9

A software company claims that a recent update made its app use less battery power. In controlled laboratory tests, phones running the updated app showed lower average battery drain per hour. Yet many users report that after installing the update, their phones' batteries seem to run out faster during the day. The company also notes that the update added new features intended to increase user engagement. These facts seem difficult to reconcile.

Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy described above?​

  1. Some users installed the update at the same time that they upgraded their phone's operating system, which independently changed how much power background processes consumed each day.
  2. The new features led many users to spend substantially more time using the app each day, even though the app consumed less battery per hour of use. (correct answer)
  3. The laboratory tests were conducted on phones less than one year old, whose newer batteries hold a charge more reliably than the older batteries in many users' devices.
  4. A small number of users reported that the update caused the app to crash more frequently, forcing them to restart the app several times before it would load properly.
  5. Several of the company's competitors released similar engagement features around the same time, prompting some users to switch between multiple apps throughout the day.

Explanation: The puzzle is that lab tests show the app draining less battery per hour, yet users see their batteries die faster after the update. The correct answer resolves this by pointing to a change in behavior: the new features made people use the app far more each day. If per-hour drain drops but daily usage rises enough, total daily battery use can still increase—so both facts are true at once. That directly reconciles the lab result with users' experience. The option about installing the update alongside an operating-system upgrade blames a separate cause, but it doesn't connect the app's improved per-hour efficiency to the users' worse daily outcome. The option about test phones being under a year old explains why older batteries might drain faster generally, but that difference existed before the update and doesn't tie to the update itself. The option about the app crashing and needing restarts describes an annoyance, not a reason the whole phone's battery would run out faster during the day. The option about competitors releasing similar features shifts attention to other apps entirely, leaving the update's own battery effect unexplained. Only the behavioral-usage answer makes the lab data and the user reports fit together.

Question 10

A grocery chain found that after it introduced self-checkout lanes, the average time customers spent waiting in line decreased. However, customer complaints about "slow checkout" increased noticeably during the same months. Store managers also report that the number of staffed cashier lanes did not decrease, and overall store traffic remained roughly constant. In addition, internal timing data show that when a customer uses self-checkout successfully, the transaction is usually faster than a cashier transaction. These facts appear difficult to reconcile.

Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy in the information above?

  1. Many customers who previously shopped at competing grocery chains switched to this chain, raising overall satisfaction with its checkout experience during these months.
  2. A small number of self-checkout stations frequently malfunctioned, causing some customers to experience very long delays even though most customers waited less. (correct answer)
  3. The chain began stocking many more items requiring age verification at checkout, which forced cashiers to pause and slowed nearly every transaction that period.
  4. Cashiers received extensive additional customer-service training during the same period, which encouraged them to chat more warmly with each waiting customer.
  5. The chain reduced prices on several popular products during these months, increasing customers' overall satisfaction with their shopping experience at the stores.

Explanation: The puzzle is that average wait times fell, self-checkout is usually faster, and staffing and traffic held steady—yet complaints about slow checkout rose. The resolution must explain how the same period could produce shorter average waits AND more slow-checkout complaints. The answer about a few malfunctioning self-checkout stations does exactly this: because most customers wait less, the average drops, but the unlucky few stuck at broken machines face very long, frustrating delays and complain. An average can fall while a minority endures extreme waits. The option about customers switching from competing chains raises satisfaction generally but gives no reason complaints about slow checkout specifically would rise. The option about more age-verification items claims nearly every transaction slowed—this would raise average waits, contradicting the stated decrease, so it deepens rather than resolves the paradox. The option about extra customer-service training and friendlier chatting would, if anything, lengthen cashier transactions, again conflicting with the observed drop in average wait time. The option about price cuts explains higher overall satisfaction but says nothing about why checkout would feel slower to anyone. Only the malfunctioning-stations answer reconciles a lower average with rising slow-checkout complaints by pointing to a distribution problem the average hides.

Question 11

A popular productivity app raised its monthly subscription price by 20 percent. Counterintuitively, during the next quarter the app's churn rate fell and new subscriptions grew. The app did not remove features from lower tiers, and no major competitor exited the market. Marketing spend remained steady. How can these results coexist with the price increase?

Which of the following, if true, most helps resolve the apparent paradox?

  1. The app commissioned a full redesign of its logo and color scheme, which rolled out to every user's home screen at the start of the quarter and drew widespread praise on social media.
  2. A well-funded rival app launched in the same period at a slightly lower monthly price and ran an aggressive advertising campaign targeting the app's existing subscribers.
  3. The company began bundling the app with popular mobile carrier plans, under which customers received the app at no additional cost while being counted as new subscriptions at the standard list price. (correct answer)
  4. The app introduced an optional paid add-on for advanced analytics, priced separately from the base subscription and available only to users on the two most expensive tiers.
  5. The app released a minor bug-fix update early in the quarter that resolved several crash reports and slightly reduced battery usage for users on older devices.

Explanation: The paradox is that a 20 percent price hike coincided with lower churn and more sign-ups, with no feature cuts, competitor exits, or marketing changes to explain it. Bundling the app with mobile carrier plans does explain both metrics at once: users acquired through carriers are logged as new subscribers at the list price, inflating sign-up counts, yet they pay nothing directly, so the higher price does not push them to cancel—lowering churn. This makes rising sign-ups and falling churn compatible with the increase. The logo and color redesign is cosmetic; a praised rebrand might affect perception, but nothing ties it to the specific pattern of pricing, churn, and new subscriptions. A well-funded rival launching at a lower price with ads aimed at current subscribers would, if anything, be expected to raise churn and slow sign-ups—the opposite of what occurred. The optional paid analytics add-on affects only high-tier users who choose to buy more; it does not explain why raising the base price grew subscriptions or cut churn. The minor bug-fix update improves stability for some older devices but is far too small to account for a coincident price hike, growth, and retention gain. Only bundling reconciles all three observed results with the price increase.

Question 12

At a city library, administrators report that total in-person visits this year are 15 percent higher than last year. Yet a separate internal report says that the average number of visitors present in the building at any given time during open hours has dropped noticeably, and staff members say the reading rooms feel less crowded most afternoons. Both reports are said to be based on accurate counts rather than estimates, and the library's hours of operation have not changed since last year.

Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy in the information above?

  1. A much larger proportion of this year's visits consist of brief stops to pick up reserved books rather than extended stays. (correct answer)
  2. The library has hired several more full-time staff members this year than it employed at any point during the previous year.
  3. Several coffee shops located near the library have begun offering afternoon discounts to any customer who shows a valid library card.
  4. The library's total circulation of physical books has decreased slightly this year compared with the total recorded during last year.
  5. The library's administrators are currently planning a major renovation of the main reading rooms scheduled to begin sometime next year.

Explanation: The puzzle: total visits rose 15 percent, yet fewer people are inside at any one moment and the rooms feel less crowded. To resolve this, you need something showing how more visits can produce lower simultaneous occupancy. The winning choice does exactly that: if far more visits are quick trips to grab reserved books rather than long stays, then many people can pass through over a day while very few are present at any instant. More total visits, shorter individual visits, lower crowding — the two reports fit together. The staff-hiring choice explains nothing about why visitors present at once would drop; more employees, if anything, adds bodies to the building. The coffee-shop discount choice might explain rising visits but not the falling in-building count, and could even suggest people leave quickly to use the discount without addressing occupancy directly. The circulation choice reports a different metric entirely — books checked out — and a slight decrease says nothing about how many people are inside at a time. The renovation choice describes a future plan that has no bearing on this year's visit and occupancy figures. Only the reserved-books choice reframes the nature of each visit, which is what dissolves the apparent contradiction.

Question 13

A software company extended its free trial from 7 days to 30 days. Following the change, fewer users initiated trials, but a significantly higher percentage of trial users purchased a subscription, and total monthly revenue increased. Marketing spend and the product's feature set remained constant, and no major competitors exited the market. How could reducing the number of trial starts lead to higher conversion rates and greater revenue?

Which of the following, if true, most helps to explain the results of the longer trial?

  1. During that same quarter, the company hired several additional software engineers, expanding its development team by roughly fifteen percent over the prior year's staffing level.
  2. Over the course of the year, brand-name awareness in the target market grew slightly, as measured by a survey showing modest gains in unaided recall among prospective buyers.
  3. A close competitor with a comparable product lowered its own subscription prices by about 5 percent, roughly matching the tier that most trial users would eventually consider.
  4. At the very same time the trial length changed, the company raised its subscription prices by 10 percent across every plan tier offered to new and returning customers.
  5. To start the longer trial, users had to enter a credit card and complete an onboarding walkthrough, which deterred casual sign-ups but led committed users to explore features and choose higher-priced plans. (correct answer)

Explanation: The winning choice explains all three results at once: requiring a credit card and onboarding filters out casual browsers (so fewer trials start), while walking serious evaluators through the product raises both how many convert and which plan tier they pick (so conversion and revenue both rise). Hiring more engineers changes staffing, not why fewer people started trials yet more of them bought—it addresses none of the outcomes. Growing brand awareness would tend to increase, not decrease, trial starts, so it works against the observed drop. A competitor cutting prices would draw buyers away and lower conversion, the opposite of what happened. Raising prices could partly explain higher revenue, but it would depress conversion rates rather than lift them, and it does nothing to explain why fewer users started trials. Only the credit-card-and-onboarding barrier ties the fall in trial starts to the rise in both conversion and revenue.

Question 14

A city's transit agency reports that average weekday bus ridership rose by 12% this year compared with last year. Yet the agency also reports that total fare revenue from buses fell by 6% over the same period. The agency did not change the posted base fare, and surveys indicate that the typical bus trip length remained about the same. Moreover, the agency notes that the number of bus trips taken during peak commuting hours increased, not decreased. These facts seem difficult to reconcile given that more rides would ordinarily generate more revenue at the same fare.

Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy in the transit agency's reports?

  1. Several bus routes were reconfigured this year so that buses arrived far more reliably at their scheduled stops than they had during the previous year.
  2. A much larger share of riders this year used newly expanded discounted passes that allow unlimited bus rides for a fixed monthly price. (correct answer)
  3. Fuel prices climbed sharply this year, substantially raising the agency's operating costs for the diesel needed to keep its bus fleet running.
  4. The agency added extra buses on several of its busiest routes this year, noticeably reducing the crowding that riders had complained about before.
  5. Many riders surveyed this year reported that they strongly prefer taking the bus rather than the train whenever the local weather turns poor.

Explanation: The puzzle: ridership rose 12% while fare revenue fell 6%, even though the base fare and trip lengths did not change. To resolve it, you need a reason why more rides could bring in less money. The winning choice supplies one: if far more riders bought newly expanded unlimited-ride monthly passes, then many extra trips generated no additional per-trip revenue, and shifting riders onto fixed-price passes can lower total fare income even as trips climb. That lets both reported facts be true at once. Better reliability from reconfigured routes might attract more riders, but it explains only the ridership increase, not why revenue dropped. Higher fuel prices raise the agency's costs, but the discrepancy concerns fare revenue, not expenses—costs have nothing to do with money collected from riders. Adding buses to reduce crowding again speaks to why ridership could grow, without touching the fall in revenue. Riders preferring buses to trains in bad weather is about mode choice and does not address how more paid trips could yield less fare money. Only the pass-expansion choice connects both variables through a mechanism that severs 'more rides' from 'more revenue.'

Question 15

An energy utility reports that households using smart thermostats reduced their average electricity consumption compared with households without smart thermostats. Yet in a pilot program, giving smart thermostats to a group of households did not reduce that group's electricity consumption over the next three months. The utility confirms the devices were installed correctly and that electricity prices did not change during the pilot. Weather during the pilot was typical for the season. These facts seem difficult to reconcile.

Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy?

  1. Households that choose to buy smart thermostats are generally more energy-conscious than other households, and the devices alone do not reliably change usage. (correct answer)
  2. Some households selected for the pilot program had already installed programmable thermostats that offered similar scheduling features before receiving the new smart devices.
  3. The utility, during the same year as the pilot, also offered generous rebates encouraging households to improve their attic and wall insulation.
  4. Many households across the utility's service region prefer noticeably warmer indoor temperatures during the coldest winter months of the year.
  5. The smart thermostats distributed in the pilot included a mobile app that displays detailed daily energy reports to each participating household.

Explanation: Paradox questions ask you to find a fact that makes two seemingly conflicting observations both true at once. Here the conflict is between an observed correlation (thermostat owners use less electricity) and an experimental result (giving thermostats changed nothing). The cleanest resolution is usually to attack the assumption that the correlation was causal. That is exactly what A does. If the households that voluntarily buy smart thermostats were already the energy-conscious ones, then their lower consumption came from their habits, not the hardware. So the original report is accurate, and the pilot's flat result over the three months is exactly what we should expect: handing a device to a randomly chosen group adds no new frugal habits. Both facts survive. B is tempting, but it only covers some pilot households. A subgroup cannot account for the whole group's average staying flat, so the reconciliation is incomplete. C introduces insulation rebates, which would tend to lower consumption during the pilot — that makes the flat result stranger, not clearer. D describes regional temperature preferences shared by households with and without the devices, so it explains no difference between the groups. The stem also tells us weather was typical. E gives participants more feedback, which should strengthen savings — again deepening the puzzle. Takeaway: when a controlled trial contradicts an observational claim, look first for self-selection. And beware the quantifier "some" — it rarely explains a whole group's average.

Question 16

A museum extended its closing time from 5 p.m. to 10 p.m. three nights a week. One would expect longer public hours to increase staff overtime costs, yet the museum reports a 20 percent decrease in overtime spending over the following quarter. Attendance remained healthy on late nights, and no galleries were closed during those hours. The museum did not reduce daytime programming.

Which of the following, if true, most helps resolve the apparent paradox?

  1. Late-evening attendance ran somewhat lower than afternoon attendance on the same three days that the museum stayed open until 10 p.m.
  2. The gift shop began recruiting unpaid volunteers to help staff the occasional evening book signings held near the museum's main entrance.
  3. The museum instituted a hiring freeze for curatorial and research positions during the same quarter that late hours were introduced.
  4. A new temporary exhibition installed that quarter required noticeably fewer security guards per gallery than several similar traveling shows had.
  5. The museum replaced ad hoc overtime coverage with scheduled evening shifts staffed by part-time employees who are not eligible for overtime. (correct answer)

Explanation: The paradox is that longer hours came with lower overtime spending. The right answer explains the cost mechanism directly: by covering the new evening hours with scheduled part-time staff who cannot earn overtime, the museum served more hours while spending less on overtime. That reconciles the two facts. Lower late-evening attendance than afternoons is irrelevant, because healthy attendance is already stated and attendance levels do not determine overtime pay. Volunteers helping with occasional book signings is too narrow and shop-specific to explain a museum-wide 20 percent overtime drop, and unpaid help at a few events touches only a sliver of staffing. A hiring freeze on curatorial and research positions affects salaried roles that are not the source of hourly overtime, so it does not explain the change. Fewer guards per gallery for one temporary exhibition might trim some hours, but it applies to a single show, not to the overall late-hour staffing that would drive overtime up, so it cannot account for the broad decrease. Only the shift-to-part-time answer targets the overtime cost itself.

Question 17

A neighborhood bistro recently began receiving much higher online ratings, with reviews praising its cuisine and service. However, over the same three-month period, the restaurant's dine-in traffic declined compared to the previous year. The chef and owner find it puzzling that better word of mouth appears to have coincided with fewer people eating in. Prices, hours, and the menu were unchanged, and there were no nearby restaurant openings during that time.

Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?

  1. Shortly before the ratings improved, the bistro introduced a weekly live-music night that drew larger crowds and led several reviewers to praise the lively in-house dining atmosphere.
  2. During the same three-month period, the city extended enforcement hours for the parking meters near the bistro, and a few reviews complained about the added cost of parking while dining in.
  3. Several of the most glowing reviews from that period singled out the restaurant's desserts, which the pastry chef had recently reworked into an expanded and more elaborate menu.
  4. Shortly before the ratings bump, the bistro launched a heavily advertised delivery-and-takeout program that became popular, and many positive reviews specifically praised the takeout option. (correct answer)
  5. A well-regarded rival restaurant across town closed for extensive renovations during that time, redirecting some of its former regular customers toward other dining options in the city.

Explanation: The puzzle is that ratings rose while dine-in traffic fell, with prices, hours, menu, and competition unchanged. The takeout answer resolves this: a newly advertised, popular delivery-and-takeout program could pull customers out of the dining room while generating enthusiastic reviews, so ratings climb even as fewer people eat in. The live-music option actually deepens the paradox—it would draw MORE people into the dining room, not fewer. The parking-meter option offers a possible reason dine-in fell but does nothing to explain why ratings simultaneously improved, so it addresses only half the puzzle. The dessert option explains why reviews might be enthusiastic but gives no reason dine-in traffic would drop; praising food is consistent with people eating in. The rival-closure option would, if anything, send more diners toward this bistro, so it predicts rising dine-in traffic—the opposite of what happened. Only the takeout program links improved reviews to reduced dine-in through a single mechanism.

Question 18

A neighborhood library extended its closing time from 6 p.m. to 10 p.m., expecting the longer hours to increase visits. Instead, total monthly visitor counts did not rise, and physical checkouts fell slightly. Public transit schedules serving the library were unchanged, and the library's collection budget stayed the same. Staff are uncertain why keeping the building open later did not translate into more in-person use.

Which of the following, if true, most helps explain why later hours did not increase in-person visits?

  1. At the same time, the library launched a widely adopted e-book app that let patrons borrow from home without visiting. (correct answer)
  2. During that month, the library replaced several worn reading-room chairs and repainted the walls to make the space more inviting.
  3. Nearby metered parking fees were reduced slightly during the month, making it modestly cheaper for drivers to stop at the library.
  4. In the evenings, the library scheduled additional author talks and book clubs intended to draw more patrons into the building after work.
  5. The total number of registered library cardholders in the surrounding neighborhood stayed essentially the same throughout the entire month.

Explanation: You need something that explains why longer hours failed to bring more people in. The launch of a popular e-book app does exactly that: if patrons can now borrow from home, borrowing shifts online, which offsets any gains from the later closing time and matches both the flat visitor count and the slight drop in physical checkouts. The new chairs and fresh paint would, if anything, make the space more appealing and raise visits, so they work against the observed result. Cheaper nearby parking would also encourage more people to come, not fewer, so it deepens the puzzle rather than resolving it. The extra author talks and book clubs are designed to pull patrons in during the very hours in question, so they too predict a rise, not a plateau. A steady number of cardholders is consistent with the situation but explains nothing about the timing or the direction of the change, since the same people could have visited more or less. Only the e-book app gives a reason the in-person numbers stayed flat while the building stayed open longer.

Question 19

After analyzing costs, a museum shortened its weekday public hours by two hours. Surprisingly, average daily weekday attendance rose by 20 percent in the month after the change. Ticket prices, advertising spend, and docent staffing levels stayed the same, and weekend policies were unchanged. The museum did not move to a new location. How could reducing the number of open hours correspond with an increase in average daily attendance?

Which of the following, if true, most helps to reconcile the museum's reduced hours with increased daily attendance?

  1. The museum expanded its gift shop selection with local artisan goods, which raised per-visitor spending but did not affect how many people came through the doors.
  2. The museum added more benches and seating in its central lobby, making longer visits more comfortable without changing the number of daily admissions.
  3. The city opened a new public parking garage three miles away, easing congestion downtown but leaving the museum's own limited parking unchanged.
  4. The museum implemented timed-entry reservations during the shorter hours, which reduced bottlenecks and allowed more visitors per hour to enter. (correct answer)
  5. The museum reduced the length of its docent-led tours, freeing guides for other duties but not changing how many visitors could be admitted each day.

Explanation: The puzzle is how fewer open hours could go with more daily visitors. The reservation answer resolves it directly: timed entry smooths arrivals and removes bottlenecks, so more visitors enter per hour. Even with a shorter day, a higher admission rate can lift total daily attendance. The gift shop change affects what visitors spend, not how many enter, so it leaves the count untouched. Added lobby benches make visits more comfortable but do nothing to raise the number of admissions. The new parking garage sits three miles away and leaves the museum's own parking unchanged, so it offers no reason more people would arrive. Shortening docent tours frees up guides but does not increase how many visitors can be admitted. Only the timed-entry option raises the rate of admissions, which is exactly what is needed to explain a rise in daily attendance despite fewer hours.

Question 20

A restaurant chain introduced a simplified menu and reports that kitchen errors, such as incorrect side dishes and missing items, decreased based on managers' incident logs. Yet customer feedback collected through the chain's mobile app shows an increase in complaints about inaccurate orders during the same weeks. The chain did not change its ingredient suppliers, and it did not switch to a new point-of-sale system. Both the incident logs and the app feedback are said to cover all locations and to be compiled daily throughout the period.

Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy in the information above?

  1. Managers are required to log only errors that result in a refund, while app feedback includes complaints even when customers do not request refunds. (correct answer)
  2. The simplified menu reduced the number of available side dishes at each restaurant location, leaving fewer options for customers to choose from at ordering.
  3. Some customers prefer to place their orders in person at the counter rather than through the chain's mobile app during busy periods.
  4. Several locations hired new kitchen staff shortly before the simplified menu was introduced, and those workers received only limited on-the-job training.
  5. The chain ran a discount promotion that increased overall order volume during the weeks in question, drawing many first-time customers to its locations.

Explanation: This is a paradox: managers' logs show fewer kitchen errors after the menu change, yet app complaints about inaccurate orders rise in the same weeks. To resolve it, you need something that lets both facts be true at once. The correct answer does exactly this by revealing the two sources use different criteria: managers log only errors that trigger a refund, while the app captures complaints even without a refund. So logged errors can fall while total complaints climb — no contradiction. The option about fewer side dishes explains why the menu was simplified but says nothing about why complaints increased, so it leaves the discrepancy untouched. The option about customers ordering in person doesn't connect kitchen accuracy to app feedback, and if anything fewer app orders would predict fewer app complaints, not more. The option about newly hired, undertrained staff would tend to raise real errors, which should show up in the managers' logs too — it deepens the puzzle rather than dissolving it. The promotion that boosted order volume might raise the raw number of complaints, but it would also raise the number of kitchen errors managers log, so it fails to explain why the two measures move in opposite directions. Only the differing reporting standards let the logs drop while app complaints grow.