LSAT Reading · Question of the Day

LSAT Reading Question of the Day

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Friday, October 23, 2026

Passage A: Discussions of the printing press often ignore the quiet fiscal scaffolding that made cheap print possible. In several German and Italian cities, councils extended tax holidays to new printers, granted remissions on guild dues, and, crucially, subsidized paper—by far the largest input cost in small formats. City records from Augsburg and Bologna show that these measures coincided with a surge in octavo pamphlets and catechisms priced within reach of artisans; contemporaneous price lists indicate that the cost of a basic primer fell relative to a day's wage over the course of two decades. Municipal officials did not merely create favorable conditions; they routinely ordered runs of broadsides for civic announcements and permitted reprints, underwriting stable demand that helped printers keep presses turning between elite commissions. Booksellers' inventories suggest that, by century's end, these low-cost items dominated stalls near markets and churches. While literacy is a broader story, the targeted subsidies that lowered per-unit costs and guaranteed volume were pivotal in widening access to reading material beyond scholarly folios.

Passage B: The press did not act on a blank slate. In regions where vernacular preaching and parish schooling already took root, literacy rose independent of book prices, and the earliest print shops often sustained themselves through aristocratic or ecclesiastical patronage rather than civic subsidy. Signature rates in rural parishes—imperfect but telling—barely budged during the first century after print, suggesting that access to texts was constrained less by price than by distribution networks and time available for schooling. Where authorities intervened in the book trade, they tended to channel funds toward imposing folios that buttressed confessional identities, not cheap primers. In short, while subsidies existed, they were neither widespread nor directed at broadening access; mass availability of inexpensive reading material came later with improvements in transport, papermaking, and retailing.

Which passage provides stronger support for the claim that government subsidies for publishers were pivotal in broadening access to reading materials in early modern Europe?

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Passage A: Discussions of the printing press often ignore the quiet fiscal scaffolding that made cheap print possible. In several German and Italian cities, councils extended tax holidays to new printers, granted remissions on guild dues, and, crucially, subsidized paper—by far the largest input cost in small formats. City records from Augsburg and Bologna show that these measures coincided with a surge in octavo pamphlets and catechisms priced within reach of artisans; contemporaneous price lists indicate that the cost of a basic primer fell relative to a day's wage over the course of two decades. Municipal officials did not merely create favorable conditions; they routinely ordered runs of broadsides for civic announcements and permitted reprints, underwriting stable demand that helped printers keep presses turning between elite commissions. Booksellers' inventories suggest that, by century's end, these low-cost items dominated stalls near markets and churches. While literacy is a broader story, the targeted subsidies that lowered per-unit costs and guaranteed volume were pivotal in widening access to reading material beyond scholarly folios.

Passage B: The press did not act on a blank slate. In regions where vernacular preaching and parish schooling already took root, literacy rose independent of book prices, and the earliest print shops often sustained themselves through aristocratic or ecclesiastical patronage rather than civic subsidy. Signature rates in rural parishes—imperfect but telling—barely budged during the first century after print, suggesting that access to texts was constrained less by price than by distribution networks and time available for schooling. Where authorities intervened in the book trade, they tended to channel funds toward imposing folios that buttressed confessional identities, not cheap primers. In short, while subsidies existed, they were neither widespread nor directed at broadening access; mass availability of inexpensive reading material came later with improvements in transport, papermaking, and retailing.

Which passage provides stronger support for the claim that government subsidies for publishers were pivotal in broadening access to reading materials in early modern Europe?

  1. Passage B, because it argues that literacy rose mainly due to religious schooling rather than market prices.
  2. Passage B, because it details printers' reliance on elite patronage to produce scholarly folios.
  3. Passage A, because it links specific subsidy programs to lower prices and wider distribution of cheap print. (correct answer)
  4. Passage A, because it claims rural signature rates rose immediately after the first presses appeared.
  5. Both passages equally, because both present identical data on subsidy effects.

Explanation: Passage A explicitly connects municipal subsidies and paper support to lower prices and expanded availability of inexpensive print, directly supporting the claim. Passage B downplays subsidy scope and focus, and A does not make the immediate rural signature-rate claim in D. E is incorrect because the passages present contrasting accounts, not identical data.